"ዛሬ ብትሸነፉ በሁለት ሺህ ሰባ አንድ ዓለም ትቃጠላለች።" -
- Haile Selassie I, Address to the Imperial Ethiopian Council, Addis Ababa, 14th September 1935
Principles are easy to be preached during periods of stagnancy. The Covenant of the League of Nations promised collective security to every member state, which Abyssinia and other vulnerable nations clung to as sanctuary. Yet, this sanctuary was seemingly conditional. Conditional on the interests of the powerful, conditional on the identity of the aggressor and crucially, conditional on whether the great powers of Europe stood to lose anything by looking away. In 1935, they did not. Even though resolutions were drafted and condemnations were issued, oil kept flowing and backdoor negotiations continued while the world congratulated itself on having responded.
Underlying the Italian invasion of Abyssinia was a wound decades old. In 1896, Ethiopian forces dealt Italy a defeat at Adwa that Europe could scarcely believe. It was the only successful repulsion of a European colonial invasion in African history. When Mussolini rose to power in 1922, he governed with a fascist doctrine based on ultranationalism and the revitalisation of Rome’s imperial glory. Therefore, his logical next step would be to invade Abyssinia to compensate for the humiliation he inherited. The trigger came at the Wal Wal oasis, a territorial dispute which Mussolini used as justification to demand reparations from Abyssinia for an aggression that was, outwardly, initiated by him.
Nevertheless, Italy had been shipping troops and supplies to its East African colonies since early 1935, months before any diplomatic resolution had been attempted. The League deliberated and Abyssinia appealed but Mussolini rejected every attempt at arbitration. When Italian forces crossed into Abyssinia on the 3rd of October 1935, they did so with overwhelming industrial force. They wielded a disproportionate arsenal of aircraft and chemical weapons against an army fighting largely with rifles and courage.
It is now the 7th of March 1936, and the war has not died down.The Battle of Amba Aradam has just ended, shattering Ethiopia's northern army. Italian forces are ruthlessly pushing south. Even though Haile Selassie is still in Addis Ababa, under the illusion of safety and “collective security”, the capital’s and maybe even the nation’s fall is a matter of weeks. However, committee must simultaneously draw its attention to the German troops inconspicuously crossing into the Rhineland, a demilitarised zone Versailles explicitly forbade. The parallelism between these two decisions is not coincidental. Abyssinia is proof to the dictators of Europe that the international order can be violated without consequence.
Collectively or unilaterally, the League's response amounted to action without any tangible outcome. Sanctions were imposed on Italy in 1935 but avenues to immediately restrict the Italian campaign remained unobstructed. For instance, the Suez Canal, through which Italian supply ships passed freely, was never closed. Even oil, the resource most critical to sustaining a modern military campaign, deliberately remained on the sanctions list. Britain and France were simultaneously negotiating the Hoare-Laval Pact behind closed doors which entailed a secret proposal to hand Mussolini the most fertile and resource-rich regions of Abyssinia in exchange for a ceasefire. While never reaching fruition, the message this sent was loud and clear. Abyssinia looked for justice and it was served betrayal.
What Abyssinia will cost the world is yet to unravel, but the trajectory of the League of Nations is evident. An Italy that is paying no meaningful price for invasion, a Germany that has followed suit and turned a blind eye to the Treaty of Versailles, and a League that has demonstrated that its red lines are conditional.
As this committee convenes, the questions are as urgent as they are unanswered. Can collective security be salvaged or has Abyssinia exposed it as fiction? Should meaningful sanctions - oil, the Suez Canal, genuine economic isolation - still be pursued, or has that window closed? Vitally, what does the world owe a nation it chose to abandon?
Reality, as this crisis has shown, is shaped by those with the will to act on it. The future belongs to them and right now, that is Abyssinia. Every week of deliberation is a week Mussolini exploits. The question is no longer whether the League has the tools to act, but whether it has the stomach to use them.
So delegates, here you are. Here you are at the nexus of inevitable collapse, and tasked with the impossible: Preventing the Abyssinian Crisis of 1936. In this timeline, the Committee assumes not the role of the Security Council, but the very organisation that could not, in fact, prevent it. Delegates, as your first challenge, you will be representing the League of Nations, and are bound by the diplomatic instruments, the mandate and the conventions prevalent in 1936.
Succeed, and discover the greater tests that lie ahead. Fail, and only time will tell what awaits.
Letter from the Director
"The only thing we have to fear is fear itself"
- Franklin D. Roosevelt
To start off on a more joyful note before you read my dramatic manifesto,
Hi, my name is Ranveer Chainani, but please refer to me by my last name, otherwise chances are I probably won’t respond. As a Grade 12 student in the IBDP, I’m interested in Computer Science, Mathematics, Physics, Economics, and Geopolitics, especially how they intersect in real-world decision making. I enjoy conversations that go beyond surface-level, whether it’s debating ideas, breaking down complex problems, or just discussing different perspectives. Outside of academics, I have a strong passion for working out, the electric guitar, fast cars, and the Arrowverse series. I’m also someone who appreciates creativity a lot, whether it’s in music, ideas, art, or just how people think differently. If you ask any of my friends about me, they’ll say two main things: 1) I’m a big foodie and 2) I pull the absolute worst pranks on them. I’m also someone who appreciates discipline and consistency, whether it’s in training, academics, or anything you commit to. I’m always open to meeting people who share similar interests or just enjoy a good, engaging conversation, so feel free to come up and talk to me about any of these.
The Security Council has always been my favorite committee, with nearly 80% of my MUN experience spent right here. Thus, I am absolutely honored to serve as your Director this year, and I hope to see an extremely fruitful session. This will be my final MUN, and with that, I want to take a moment to thank all the Teachers, Seniors, Faculty Advisors, and every MUNner I’ve had the chance to meet, for introducing me to such an incredible activity. To give back to this talented community brimming with exceptional individuals, I’d like to conclude my MUN journey by giving you the best possible committee and an unforgettable experience. Thank you, Symposium, for all that you’ve done for me. Now let me return the favour.
Stage fright. One of the most common fears, the kind that leaves people anxious, hesitant, with trembling hands, chattering teeth, and shaking knees. For most, it’s overwhelming. For most, it’s the one thing that stands between them and their best performance. But when you understand our good friend Mr Roosevelt’s wise words, you realize that once you overcome this mental barrier, there is absolutely nothing that can stop you. And this very belief has stayed with me my entire life. From my very first MUN, I knew exactly what this was for me. I wanted to stand in front of a room full of people. I wanted to speak, to challenge, to argue, to hold my ground. And yes, I wanted to win.
Overcoming fear is not for the weak, as it affects people tremendously. It creeps in quietly, and before they even realise it, it begins to control them. It makes them second guess their speeches, hesitate before raising a placard, and hold back ideas that could have changed the entire direction of a committee. Fear doesn’t just make you nervous, it makes you smaller than you are. So if there’s one thing I want you to take from me as your Director, it’s this: be fearless. Walk into that committee with a delusional level of confidence that almost feels irrational. And you will deliver.
There’s a quote I’ve carried with me through every MUN, every challenge in life (and is also in my instagram bio to sound mysterious): “Fortis Fortuna Adiuvat” - Latin for “Fortune Favours the Bold.” It’s simple, but it’s powerful. It doesn’t promise success to the smartest person in the room, or the most prepared, or even the most experienced. It promises opportunity to the one who is willing to take risks. The one who is willing to speak when others stay silent. The one who dares to push boundaries, to challenge narratives, and to execute ideas that seem just a little too ambitious.
And delegates, The Historic Security Council has no limits. The moment you feel like you’ve understood the flow, the moment you feel comfortable, it will shift. It will throw a curveball at you - challenging you, surprising you, and forcing you to think faster, sharper, and better. That’s what makes it exciting. That’s what makes it unforgettable. But excitement alone won’t carry you through. If you genuinely want to stand out, if you want to be remembered as the best delegate in that room, you need to work hard. And be ready to do so at every moment delegates, because this committee rewards those who put in the work.
So come prepared. Come hungry. Come ready to take risks. And most importantly, come ready to give everything you have.
The clock’s ticking…
Until August,
Ranveer Chainani,
Director,
The Historic Security Council,
Cathedral Model United Nations, 2026.

Ranveer Chainani
Director